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Welcome to The Latell Report. The Report, analyzing
Cuba's contemporary domestic and foreign policy, is published
monthly except August and December and distributed by the electronic
information service of the Cuba Transition Project (CTP) at
the University of Miami's Institute for Cuban and Cuban-American
Studies (ICCAS).
The Latell Report is a publication of ICCAS and
no government funding has been used in its publication. The
opinions expressed herein are those of the author and do not
necessarily reflect the views of ICCAS and/or the U.S. Agency
for International Development (USAID).
The Raulista Succession
Intrinsically Unstable?
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Judging from official Cuban government media coverage
in recent weeks, Raul Castro’s place as first in the line
of succession continues to be reinforced. His ascension has
been evident since the unprecedented depth of reporting that
began with his 75th birthday on June 3. He, but not Fidel, was
reported by Granma to have received a standing ovation
during the plenum of the communist party on June 1 that ratified
the installation of prominent raulistas on the newly
reconstituted party Secretariat. Long in control of the day-to-day
affairs of the military and security services, Raul now also
controls the central operational organ of the party. These are
the three most powerful institutions on the island.
As Raul assumes broader responsibility it is appropriate
to speculate about how a successor regime he seems likely to
dominate would fare. In all of my commentaries on this subject
I have declined to estimate how long Raul might last in power
after Fidel dies or is incapacitated. The variables that will
suddenly come into play at that time will be so complex and
numerous that any predictions can be tenuous at best and thus
the range of opinion on this transcending question is broad.
Many observers doubt that Raul could remain sober
and steadfast enough to last for more than perhaps a few weeks
or months in power. Others hold that he will successfully preside
for a number of years, as long perhaps as his health holds up.
The former mainly emphasize Raul’s well known leadership
deficiencies; the latter his exceptional organizational skills
and experience running Cuba’s most important institutions.
The question then boils down to whether his leadership
strengths will outweigh his weaknesses. Surely, he will be handicapped,
severely at first, because he will in no way resemble Fidel
in power and because popular anxieties will be high. He will
have little room for error.
Until recently, Fidel has made every important
decision, managing domestic and international crises and communicating
new policy initiatives. He has been a titanic force, the personification
of the revolution, the galvanizing glue that has held it all
together. The concentration of power all these years in Fidel’s
hands could therefore prove to be one of his most destabilizing
legacies. It is impossible to imagine that Raul, or any other
leader, could even approximate Fidel’s performance.
I described most of Raul’s deficiencies and
flaws in After Fidel. Since the 1950s he has been feared
and hated by many Cubans, and for good reason, because at different
times he was the regime’s principal executioner, its foremost
Stalinist, a merciless hardliner on social and cultural matters,
and a draconian enforcer of Fidel’s whims. Raul is a plodding,
maladroit public speaker, and has never been able to sway a
crowd or inspire an audience with his own uplifting visions.
It was Che Guevara who in 1960 said of him, “I love Raul
. . . enormously. He is a remarkable man, but he does not have
the same direct influence on the country as Fidel.”
Raul is linear and straightforward where Fidel
is known for his leaps of imagination. Raul is cautious and
practical whereas Fidel is typically audacious and extreme.
By the accounts of family and former friends and colleagues,
Raul, unlike his brother, agonizes and temporizes when unpleasant
decisions must be made. He is methodical –consulting and
collaborating with others— while Fidel acts with alacrity
and self-confidence.
Raul has made no effort to pretend that he enjoys
an intellectual life. His leisure reading tastes are low brow
and in his capacity as defense minister he typically demands
that briefs be condensed to about a page. He has admitted on
the record to having completed only about a half dozen years
of formal education. As a teenager he was ejected from the prestigious
Belen prep school in Havana, where Fidel earlier had prospered.
Raul returned to the family lands in Oriente where he says he
did manual labor and worked in a warehouse. He does not admit,
however, that it was during that extended period of rustic exile
when he began drinking excessively.
He has never managed a national-level crisis on
his own. He has always deferred to Fidel who has rarely ever
delegated such responsibilities. What if Raul were to resort
to hard drinking as he faced his first major crisis after taking
power? In his bizarre performance in a nationally televised
speech on June 14, 1989 when he condemned the soon to be executed
General Arnaldo Ochoa, he was probably inebriated as the tensions
of that crisis became all but unbearable.
If Raul indeed follows Fidel in power will he be
able to overcome or somehow compensate for his deficiencies
of intellect, charisma, experience, leadership, popularity,
and possibly physical vigor? And as important, will he be able
somehow to begin satisfying the pent up demands of the Cuban
people for better living conditions? He likely plans to provide
them with bread, rather than Fidel’s revolutionary circuses,
but how effectively he communicates his intentions will be a
critical variable affecting the stability of his regime.
On balance, my own tentative estimate is entirely
consistent with wording in the inter-agency report of President
Bush’s Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba, notably
that: “ Fidel Castro and his inner circle have begun a
gradual but intrinsically unstable process
of succession.” (emphasis added.)
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Dr. Brian Latell, distinguished Cuba analyst and
recent author of the book, After Fidel: The Inside Story
of Castro’s Regime and Cuba’s Next Leader,
is a Senior Research Associate at ICCAS. He has informed American
and foreign presidents, cabinet members, and legislators about
Cuba and Fidel Castro in a number of capacities. He served in
the early 1990s as National Intelligence Officer for Latin America
at the Central Intelligence Agency and taught at Georgetown
University for a quarter century. Dr. Latell has written, lectured,
and consulted extensively.
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The CTP, funded by a grant
from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID),
can be contacted at P.O. Box 248174, Coral Gables, Florida 33124-3010,
Tel: 305-284-CUBA (2822), Fax: 305-284-4875, and by email at
ctp.iccas@miami.edu.
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